They are human， and their stomachs need to be filled daily. They have imagination， and， if bread be scarce， they fear that they may not get enough of it. They prefer to keep their money rather than to give it away. For this reason they spurn the claims which the State and individuals have upon them as much as possible. They avoid paying their debts. They willingly lay their hands on public property which is badly protected； finally they are disposed to regard gendarmes and proprietors as detrimental， and all the more so because this has been repeated to them over and over again， day after day， for a whole year. - On the other hand there is no change in the situation of things. They are ever living in a disorganized community， under an impracticable constitution， the passions which sap public order being only the more stimulated by the semblance of fraternity under which they seemed to be allayed. Men cannot be persuaded with impunity that the millennium has come， for they will want to enjoy it immediately， and will tolerate no deception practiced on their expectations. In this violent state， fired by boundless expectations， all their whims appear reasonable and all their opinions rational. They are no longer able to find faults with or control themselves. In their brain， overflowing with emotions and enthusiasm， there is no room but for one intense， absorbing， fixed idea. Each is confident and over-confident in his own opinion； all become impassioned， imperious， and intractable.
Having assumed that all obstacles are taken out of the way， they grow indignant at each obstacle they actually encounter. Whatever it may be， they shatter it on the instant， and their over-excited imagination covers with the fine name of patriotism their natural appetite for despotism and domination.
France， accordingly， in the three years which follow the taking of the Bastille， presents a strange spectacle. In the words we find charity and in the laws symmetry； while the actual events present a spectacle of disorder and violence. Afar， is the reign of philosophy； close up is the chaos of the Carlovingian era.
"Foreigners，" remarks an observer，[13] "are not aware that， with a great extension of political rights， the liberty of the individual is in law reduced to nothing， while in practice it is subject to the caprice of sixty thousand constitutional assemblies； that no citizen enjoys any protection against the annoyances of these popular assemblies； that， according to the opinions which they entertain of persons and things， they act in one place in one way and in another place in another way. Here， a department， acting for itself and without referring elsewhere， puts an embargo on vessels， while another orders the expulsion of a military detachment essential for the security of places devastated by ruffians； and the minister， who responds to the demands of those interested， replies： 'Such are the orders of the department.' Elsewhere are administrative bodies which， the moment the Assembly decrees relief of consciences and the freedom of nonjuring priests， order the latter out of their homes within 24 hours. Always in advance of or lagging behind the laws；alternately bold and cowardly； daring all things when seconded by public license， and daring nothing to repress it； eager to abuse their momentary authority against the weak in order to acquire titles to popularity in the future； incapable of maintaining order except at the expense of public safety and tranquility； entangled in the reins of their new and complex administration， adding the fury of passion to incapacity and inexperience； such are， for the most part， the men sprung from nothing， void of ideas and drunk with pretension， on whom now rests responsibility for public powers and resources， the interest of security， and the foundations of the power of government. In all sections of the nation， in every branch of the administration， in every report， we detect the confusion of authorities， the uncertainty of obedience， the dissolution of all restraints， the absence of all resources， the deplorable complication of enervated springs， without any of the means of real power， and， for their sole support， laws which， in supposing France to be peopled with men without vices or passions， abandon humanity to its primitive state of independence."A few months after this， in the beginning of 1792， Malouet sums up all in one phrase：
"It is the Government of Algiers without the Dey."II.
Independence of the municipalities. - The causes of their initiative. - Sentiment of danger.- Issy-l'Evêque in 1789. - Exalted pride. - Brittany in 1790.- Usurpations of the municipalities. -Capture of the citadels. - Violence increased against their commanders. - Stoppage of convoys.- Powerlessness of the Directories and the ministers. - Marseilles in 1790.
Things could not work otherwise. For， before the 6th of October， and the King's captivity in Paris， the Government had already been destroyed. Now， through the successive decrees of the Assembly， it is legally done away with， and each local group is left to itself. -The intendants have fled， military commanders are not obeyed， the bailiwicks dare hold no courts， the parliaments are suspended， and seven months elapse before the district and department administrations are elected， a year before the new judgeships are instituted， while afterwards， as well as before， the real power is in the hands of the communes. - The commune must arm itself， appoint its own chiefs， provide its own supplies， protect itself against brigands， and feed its own poor. It has to sell its national property， install the constitutional priest， and， amidst so many eager passions and injured interest， accomplish the transformation by which a new society replaces the ancient one. It alone has to ward off the perpetual and constantly reviving dangers which assail it or which it imagines. These are great， and it exaggerates them.
