Accordingly， being in a state of poverty they have been betrayed. --"Elevated to the height achieved by the French people，" says another president， "it looks down upon the tempests under its feet."[39] The tempest is at hand and bursts over its head. War， like a black cloud， rises above the horizon， overspreads the sky， thunders and wraps France filled with explosive materials in a circle of lightening， and it is the Assembly which， through the greatest of its mistakes， draws down the bolt on the nation's head.
III.
War. - -Disposition of foreign powers. - - The King's dislikes. --Provocation of the Girondins. -- Dates and causes of the rupture.
It might have been turned aside with a little prudence. Two principal grievances were alleged， one by France and the other by the Empire. --On the one hand， and very justly， France complained of the gathering of émigré's， which the Emperor and Electors tolerated against it on the frontier. In the first place， however， a few thousand gentlemen， without troops or stores， and nearly without money，[40] were hardly to be feared， and， besides this， long before the decisive hour came these troops were dispersed， at once by the Emperor in his own dominions， and， fifteen days afterwards， by the Elector of Trèves in his electorate.[41] -- On the other hand， according to treaties， the German princes， who owned estates in Alsace， made claims for the feudal rights abolished on their French possessions and the Diet forbade them to accept the offered indemnity. But， as far as the Diet is concerned， nothing was easier nor more customary than to let negotiations drag along， there being no risk or inconvenience attending the suit as， during the delay， the claimants remained empty-handed. -- If， now， behind the ostensible motives， the real intentions are sought for， it is certain that， up to January， 1792， the intentions of Austria were pacific. The grants made to the Comte d'Artois， in the Declaration of Pilnitz， were merely a court-sprinkling of holy-water， the semblance of an illusory promise and subject to a European concert of action， that is to say， annulled beforehand by an indefinite postponement， while this pretended league of sovereigns is at once "placed by the politicians in the class of august comedies.[42]" Far from taking up arms against "New France" in the name of old France， the emperor Leopold and his prime minister Kaunitz， were delighted to see the constitution completed and accepted by the King； it "got them out of an embarrassing position，"[43] and Prussia as well. In the running of governments， political advantage is the great incentive and both powers needed all their forces in another direction， in Poland. One for retarding， and the other for accelerating the division of this country， and both， when the partition took place， to get enough for themselves and prevent Russia from getting too much. -- The sovereigns of Prussia and Austria， accordingly， did not have any idea of saving Louis XVI， nor of conducting the émigrés back， nor of conquering French provinces. If anything was to be expected from them on account of personal ill-will， there was no fear of their armed intervention. -- In France it is not the King who urges a rupture； he knows too well that the hazards of war will place him and his dependents in mortal danger. Secretly as well as publicly， in writing to the émigrés， his wishes are to bring them back or to restrain them. In his private correspondence he asks of the European powers not physical but moral aid， the external support of a congress which will permit moderate men， the partisans of order， all owners of property， to raise their heads and rally around the throne and the laws against anarchy. In his ministerial correspondence every precaution is taken not to touch off or let someone touch off an explosion. At the critical moment of the discussion[44] he entreats the deputies， through M. Delessart， his Minister of Foreign Affairs， to weigh their words and especially not to send a demand containing a "dead line." He resists， as far as his passive nature allows him， to the very last. On being forced to declare war he requires beforehand the signed advice of all his ministers. He does not utter the fatal words， until he， "with tears in his eyes" and in the most dire straits， is dragged on by an Assembly qualifying all caution as treason and which has just dispatched M.
Delessart to appear， under a capital charge， before the supreme court at Orléans.
It is the Assembly then which launches the disabled ship on the roaring abysses of an unknown sea， without a rudder and leaking at every seam. It alone slips the cable which held it in port and which the foreign powers neither dared nor desired to sever. Here， again， the Girondists are the leaders and hold the axe； since the last of October they have grasped it and struck repeated blows.[45] -- As an exception， the extreme Jacobins， Couthon， Collot d'Herbois， Danton， Robespierre， do not side with them. Robespierre， who at first proposed to confine the Emperor "within the circle of Popilius，"[46] fears the placing of too great a power in the King's hands， and， growing mistrustful， preaches distrust. -- But the great mass of the party， led by clamorous public opinion， impels on the timid marching in front. Of the many things of which knowledge is necessary to conduct successfully such a complex and delicate affair， they know nothing.
