Thus over-excited and topsy-turvy， the proletariat require only arms and a rallying-point. The Girondins furnish both. Through a striking coincidence， one which shows that the plan was concerted，[84] they start three political engines at the same time. Just at the moment when， through their deliberate saber-rattling， they made war inevitable， they invented popular insignia and armed the poor. At the end of January， 1792， almost during one week， they announced their ultimatum to Austria using a fixed deadline， they adopted the red woolen cap and began the manufacture of pikes. -- It is evident that pikes are of no use in the open field against cannon and a regular army； accordingly the are intended for use in the interior and in towns. Let the national-guard who can pay for his uniform， and the active citizen whose three francs of direct tax gives him a privilege， own their guns； the stevedore， the market-porter， the lodger， the passive citizen， whose poverty excludes them from voting must have their pikes， and， in these insurrectionary times， a ballot is not worth a good pike wielded by brawny arms. -- The magistrate in his robes may issue any summons he pleases， but it will be rammed down his throat， and， lest he should be in doubt of this he is made to know it beforehand. "The Revolution began with pikes and pikes will finish it."[85] "Ah，" say the regulars of the Tuileries gardens， "if the good patriots of the Champs de Mars only had had pikes like these the blue-coats (Lafayette's guards) would not have had such a good hand！"- "They are to be used everywhere， wherever there are enemies of the people， to the Chateau， if any can be found there！" They will override the veto and make sure that the National Assembly will approve the good laws. To this purpose， the Faubourg St. Antoine volunteers its pikes， and， to mark the use made of them， it complains that "efforts are made to substitute an aristocracy of wealth for the omnipotence of inherited rank." It demands "severe measures against the rascally hypocrites who， with the Constitution in their hands， slaughter the people." It declares that "kings， ministers and a civil list will pass away， but that the rights of man， national sovereignty and pikes will not pass away，" and， by order of the president， the National Assembly thanks the petitioners， "for the advice their zeal prompts them to give.
The leaders of the Assembly and the people armed with pikes unite against the rich， against Constitutionalists， against the government， and henceforth， the Jacobin extremists march side by side with the Girondins， both reconciled for the attack but reserved their right to disagree until after the victory.
"The object of the Girondists[86] is not a republic in name， but an actual republic through a reduction of the civil lists to five millions， through the curtailment of most of the royal prerogatives， through a change of dynasty of which the new head would be a sort of honorary president of the republic to which they would assign an executive council appointed by the Assembly， that is to say， by themselves." As to the Jacobin extremists we find no principle with them but "that of a rigorous， absolute application of the Rights of Man. With the aid of such a charter they aim at changing the laws and public officers every six months， at extending their leveling process to every constituted authority， to all legal pre-eminence and to property. The only regime they long for is the democracy of a contentious rabble. . . The vilest instruments， professional agitators， brigands， fanatics， every sort of wretch， the hardened and armed poverty-stricken， who， in wild disorder" march to the attack of property and to "universal pillage" in short， barbarians of town and country "who form their ordinary army and never leave it inactive one single day." - Under their universal， concerted and growing usurpation the substance of power melts wholly away in the hand of the legal authorities； little by little， these are reduced to vain counterfeits， while from one end of France， to the other， long before the final collapse， the party， in the provinces as well as at Paris， substitutes， under the cry of public danger， a government of might for the government of law.
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[1] Mercure de France， September 24， 1791. -- Cf. Report of M. Alquier (session of Sept. 23).
[2] Mercure de France， Oct. 15， 1792 (the treaty with England was dated Sep. 26， 1786). -- Ibid.， Letter of M. Walsh， superior of the Irish college， to the municipality of Paris. Those who use the whips， come out of a neighboring grog-shop. The commissary of police， who arrives with the National Guard， "addresses the people， and promises them satisfaction，" requiring M. Walsh to dismiss all who are in the chapel， without waiting for the end of the mass. -- M. Walsh refers to the law and to treaties. -- The commissary replies that he knows nothing about treaties， while the commandant of the national guard says to those who laving the chapel， "In the name of human justice， Iorder you to follow me to the church of Saint-Etienne， or I shall abandon you to the people."[3] "The French Revolution，" Vol. I. pp.261， 263. -- "Archives Nationales，" F7， 3185 and 3186 (numerous documents on the rural disturbances in Aisne). - Mercure de France， Nov. 5 and 26， Dec. 10， 1791. - Moniteur， X. 426 (Nov.22， 1791).
[4] Moniteur， X. 449， Nov. 23， 1791. (Official report of the crew of the Ambuscade， dated Sep. 30). The captain， M. d'Orléans， stationed at the Windward Islands， is obliged to return to Rochefort and is detained there on board his ship： "Considering the uncertainty of his mission， and the fear of being ordered to use the same hostilities against brethren for which he is already denounced in every club in the kingdom， the crew has forced the captain to return to France."[5] Mercure de France， Dec. 17， address of the colonists to the king.
