* we have suppressed， without indemnity， the entire feudal debt， comprising the rights vested in the seigneurs by virtue of their being owners of real-estate， and merely lessors；* we have abandoned their persons and possessions to the claims and rancor of local jacqueries；* we have reduced them to emigration；* we imprison them if they stay at home；
* we guillotine them if they return.
(As the aristocrats are)Reared in habits of supremacy， and convinced that they are of a different species from other men， the prejudices of their race are incorrigible； they are incapable of companionship with their social equals； we cannot too carefully crush them out， or， at the very least， hold them firmly down.[40] Besides， they are guilty from the fact of having existed； for， they have taken both the lead and the command without any right to do so， and， in violation of all right， they have misused mankind； having enjoyed their rank， it is but just that they should pay for it. Privileged in reverse， they must be treated the same as vagabonds were treated under their reign，* stopped by the police and sent off with their families into the interior， ** crowded into prisons， ** executed in a mass， or， at least， *
* expelled from Paris， the seaports and fortified towns， put on the limits， ** compelled to present themselves daily at the municipality， ** deprived of their political rights， ** excluded from public offices， "popular clubs， committees of supervision and from communal and section assemblages."[41]
*Even this is indulgence； branded with infamy， we ought to class them with galley-slaves， and set them to work on the public highways.[42]
"Justice condemns the people's enemies and the partisans of tyranny to eternal slavery."[43]
But that is not enough， because， apart from the aristocracy of rank， there are other aristocracies which the Constituent Assembly has left untouched，[44] especially the aristocracy of wealth. Of all the sovereignties， that of the rich man over the poor one is the most burdensome. In effect， not only， in contempt of equality， does he consume more than his share of the common products of labor， and without producing anything himself， but again， in contempt of liberty， he may fix wages as he pleases， and， in contempt of humanity， he always fixes them at the lowest point. Between himself and the needy he never makes other than the most unjust contracts. Sole possessor of land， capital and the necessities of life， he imposes conditions which others， deprived of means， are forced to accept at the risk of starvation； he speculates at his discretion on wants which cannot be put off， and makes the most of his monopoly by maintaining the poor in their destitute situations. That is why， writes Saint Just：[45]
"Opulence is a disgrace； for every thousand livres expenditure of this kind a smaller number of natural or adopted children can be looked after." -"The richest Frenchman，" says Robespierre， "ought not to have now more three thousand livres rental." -Beyond what is strictly necessary， no property is legitimate； we have the right to take the superfluous wherever we find it. Not only to-day， because we now require it for the State and for the poor， but at all times， because the superfluous， in all times， confers on its owner an advantage in contracts， a control of wages， an arbitrary power over the means of living， in short， a supremacy of condition worse than preeminence in rank. Consequently， our hand is not only against the nobles， but also against the rich and well-to-do bourgeois[46] the large land-owners and capitalists； we are going to demolish their crafty feudalism from top to bottom.[47] - In the first place， and merely through the effect of the new institutions， we prevent any capitalist from deducting， as he is used to do， the best portion of the fruits of another's labor； the hornets shall no longer， year after year， consume the honey of the bees. To bring this about， we have only to let the assignats (paper money) and their forced rate (of exchange) work things out. Through the depreciation of paper-money， the indolent land-owner or capitalist sees his income melting away in his hands； his receipts consist only of nominal values. On the 1st of January， his tenant pays him really for a half term instead of a full term； on the 1st of March， his farmer settles his account with a bag of grain.[48] The effect is just the same as if we had made fresh contracts， and reduced by one-half， three-quarters， or， even more， the rate of interest on loans， the rent of houses and the leases of farm lands. - Whilst the revenue of the landlord evaporates， his capital melts away， and we do the best we can to help this along. If he has claims on ancient corporations or civil and religious establishments of any description， whether provincial governments， congregations， associations， endowments or hospitals， we withdraw his special guarantee； we convert his title-deeds into a state annuity， we combine his private fortune with the public fortune whether he will or not， we drag him into the universal bankruptcy， toward which we are conducting all the creditors of the Republic.[49] - Besides， to ruin him， we have more direct and prompt means. If an émigré， and there are hundreds of thousands of émigrés， we confiscate his possessions. If he has been guillotined or deported， and there are tens of thousands of these， we confiscate his possessions. If he is "recognized as an enemy of the Revolution，"[50] and "all the rich pray for the counter-revolution，"[51] we sequestrate his property， enjoying the usufruct of it until peace is declared， and we shall have the property after the war is over. Usufruct or property， the State， in either case， inherits； at the most we might grant temporary aid to the family， which is not even entitled to maintenance.
It is impossible to uproot fortunes more thoroughly. As to those which are not at once eradicated we get rid of them piecemeal， and against these we employ two axes：
