Though the Vindictives kept a stealthy silence during July,they were sharpening their claws and preparing for a tiger spring whenever the psychological moment should arrive.Those two who had had charge of the Reconstruction Bill prepared a paper,in some ways the most singular paper of the war period,which has established itself in our history as the Wade-Davis Manifesto.This was to be the deadly shot that should unmask the Vindictive batteries,bring their war upon the President out of the shadows into the open.
Greeley's fiasco and Greeley's mortification both played into their hands.The fiasco contributed to depress still more the despairing North.By this time,there was general appreciation of the immensity of Grant's failure,not only at Cold Harbor,but in the subsequent slaughter of the futile assault upon Petersburg.We have the word of a member of the Committee that the despair over Grant translated itself into blame of the Administration.[1]The Draft Proclamation;the swiftly traveling report that the government had wilfully brought the peace negotiations to a stand-still;the continued cry that the war was hopeless;all these produced,about the first of August,an emotional crisis--just the sort of occasion for which Lincoln's enemies were waiting.
Then,too,there was Greeley's mortification.The Administration papers made him a target for sarcasm.The Times set the pace with scornful demands for "No more back door diplomacy."[2]Greeley answered in a rage.He permitted himself to imply that the President originated the Niagara negotiation and that Greeley "reluctantly"became a party to it.That "reluctantly"was the truth,in a sense,but how falsely true!
Wade and Davis had him where they wanted him.On the fifth of August,The Tribune printed their manifesto.It was an appeal to "the supporters of the Administration ...to check the encroachment of the Executive on the authority of Congress,and to require it to confine itself to its proper sphere."It insinuated the basest motives for the President's interest in reconstruction,and for rejecting their own bill."The President by preventing this bill from becoming a law,holds the electoral votes of the Rebel States at the dictation of his personal ambition....If electors for President be allowed to be chosen in either of those States,a sinister light will be cast on the motives which induced the President to 'hold for naught'the will of Congress rather than his government in Louisiana and Arkansas."After a long discussion of his whole course with regard to reconstruction,having heaped abuse upon him with shocking liberality,the Manifesto concluded:
"Such are the fruits of this rash and fatal act of the President--a blow at the friends of the Administration,at the rights of humanity,and at the principles of Republican government The President has greatly presumed on the forbearance which the supporters of his Administration have so long practised in view of the arduous conflict in which we are engaged,and the reckless ferocity of our political opponents.
But he must understand that our support is of a 'cause'and not of a man;that the authority of Congress is paramount and must be respected;that the whole body of the Union men in Congress will not submit to be impeached by him of rash and unconstitutional legislation;and if he wishes our support he must confine him-self to his executive duties--to obey and execute,not make the laws--to suppress by arms,armed rebellion,and leave political reorganization to Congress.If the supporters of the government fail to insist on this they become responsible for the usurpations they fail to rebuke and are justly liable to the indignation of the people whose rights and security,committed to their keeping,they sacrifice.Let them consider the remedy of these usurpations,and,having found it,fearlessly execute it"To these incredible charges,Lincoln made no reply.He knew,what some statesmen never appear to know,the times when one should risk all upon that French proverb,"who excuses,accuses."However,he made his futile attempt to bring Greeley to reason,to induce him to tell the truth about Niagara without confessing to the country the full measure of the despair that had inspired his course.When Greeley refused to do so,Lincoln turned to other matters,to preparation for the draft,and grimly left the politicians to do their worst.They went about it with zest.Their reliance was chiefly their power to infect the type of party man who is easily swept from his moorings by the cry that the party is in danger,that sacrifices must be made to preserve the party unity,that otherwise the party will go to pieces.By the middle of August,six weeks after Lincoln's defiance of them on the fourth of July,they were in high feather,convinced that most things were coming their way.American politicians have not always shown an ability to read clearly the American people.
Whether the politicians were in error on August 14,1864,and again on August twenty-third,two dates that were turning points,is a matter of debate to this day.As to August fourteenth,they have this,at least,in their defense.The country had no political observer more keen than the Scotch free lance who edited The New York Herald.It was Bennett's editorial view that Lincoln would do well to make a virtue of necessity and withdraw his candidacy because "the dissatisfaction which had long been felt by the great body of American citizens has spread even to his own supporters."[3]
